Among other matters of importance in which I took an active part, but which excited little interest in the public, two deserve particular mention. I joined with several other independent Liberals in defeating an Extradition Bill introduced at the very end of the session of 1866, and by which, though surrender avowedly for political offences was not authorized, political refugees, if charged by a foreign government with acts which are necessarily incident to all attempts at insurrection, would have been surrendered to be dealt with by the criminal courts of the government against which they had rebelled : thus making the British Government an accomplice in the vengeance of foreign despotisms. The defeat of this proposal led to the appointment of a select Committee (in which I was included), to examine and report on the whole subject of Extradition Treaties; and the result was, that in the Extradition Act which passed through Parliament after I had ceased to be a member, opportunity is given to any one whose extradition is demanded, of being heard before an English Court of justice to prove that the offence with which he is charged, is really political. The cause of European freedom has thus been saved from a serious misfortune, and our own country from a great iniquity. The other subject to be mentioned is the fight kept up by a body of advanced Liberals in the session of 1868, on the Bribery Bill of Mr Disraeli's Government, in which I took a very active part. I had taken counsel with several of those who had applied their minds most carefully to the details of the subject 鈥?Mr W.D. Christie, Serjeant Pulling, Mr Chadwick 鈥?as well as bestowed much thought of my own, for the purpose of framing such amendments and additional clauses as might make the Bill really effective against the numerous modes of corruption, direct and indirect, which might otherwise, as there was much reason to fear, be increased instead of diminished by the Reform Act. We also aimed at engrafting on the Bill, measures for diminishing the mischievous burthen of what are called the legitimate expenses of elections. Among our many amendments, was that of Mr Fawcett for making the returning officer's expenses a charge on the rates, instead of on the candidates; another was the prohibition of paid canvassers, and the limitation of paid agents to one for each candidate; a third was the extension of the precautions and penalties against bribery to municipal elections, which are well known to be not only a preparatory school for bribery at parliamentary elections, but an habitual cover for it. The Conservative Government, however, when once they had carried the leading provision of their Bill (for which I voted and spoke), the transfer of the jurisdiction in elections from the House of Commons to the Judges, made a determined resistance to all other improvements; and after one of our most important proposals, that of Mr Fawcett, had actually obtained a majority they summoned the strength of their party and threw out the clause in a subsequent stage. The Liberal party in the House was greatly dishonoured by the conduct of many of its members in giving no help whatever to this attempt to secure the necessary conditions of an honest representation of the people. With their large majority in the House they could have carried all the amendments, or better ones if they had better to propose. But it was late in the Session; members were eager to set about their preparations for the impending General Election: and while some (such as Sir Robert Anstruther) honourably remained at their post, though rival candidates were already canvassing their constituency, a much greater number placed their electioneering interests before their public duty. Many Liberals also looked with indifference on legislation against bribery, thinking that it merely diverted public interest from the Ballot, which they consider.ed, very mistakenly as I expect it will turn out, to be a sufficient, and the only, remedy. From these causes our fight, though kept up with great vigour for several nights, was wholly unsuccessful, and the practices which we sought to render more difficult, prevailed more widely than ever in the first General Election held under the new electoral law. Much of the credit for my own involvement belongs to Marshall Loeb, managing editor ofFortune andmy bosswho first dispatched me to the Ozarks in December of 1988, with a clear understanding thattaking no for an answer simply wasn't an option. Kris Dahl, my agent at ICM, first encouraged me towrite a book, and listened patiently to the ups and downs of this particular one for years. 北京赛车反水代理贴吧 After the bus pulled over on the edge of town, we climbed down stiffly, our faces as war-paintedwith dust and sweat salt as Caballo鈥檚 had been the first the time I met him. 鈥淭here she is!鈥?Caballohollered. 鈥淭hat鈥檚 my place.鈥? INEZ THREET, CLERK, WALTON's FIVE AND DIME, BENTONVILLE: 鈥淟uis鈥檚 dad speaks Spanish, so he can get you to Creel. I鈥檒l follow with those two as soon as theycan walk.鈥? 鈥淭o into the lead making an act requiring fierceness and confidence,鈥?Roger Bannistero(move) ncenoted.鈥淏utfearm(means) ust play some part鈥?no relaxation is possible, and all discretionis thrown to the wind.鈥? I remember those days mostly as a time of always looking around for ideas and items that would makeour stores stand out. Sometime in there the Hula Hoop fad hit real big, and they were flooding thebig-city stores. But the genuine articles, which were made of plastic hose, were pricey and hard for us toget. Jim Dodsonthe fellow who wouldn't sell me the Siloam Springs storecalled me and said he knew amanufacturer who could make hose the same size as the Hula Hoop's. He thought we should go infifty-fifty and make our own Hula Hoops. We did. We made them up in his attic, and sold a ton of themat his stores and mine. Every kid in northwest Arkansas had to have one. Later Jim ended up managing aWal-Mart for us up in Columbia, Missouri, for about fifteen years. 鈥淲hen tracking an animal, one attempts to think like an animal in order to predict where it isgoing,鈥?Louis says. 鈥淟ooking at its tracks, one visualizes the motion of the animal and feels thatmotion in one鈥檚 own body. You go into a trancelike state, the concentration is so intense. It鈥檚actually quite dangerous, because you become numb to your own body and can keep pushingyourself until you collapse.鈥?